Wednesday, 6 November 2019

The best and worst of Parliament and Politics on November 5th 2019 Part 1


On November 5th 2019, there was the best  and the worst of party politics in the House of Commons and during General Election activities as report  by national and social media. Although General Election campaigning official begins to today after the dissolution of Parliament and government Ministers and backbenchers are no long Members of Parliament but Parliamentary candidates seeking a formal mandate from their political parties to stand as Parliamentary candidates.


 


The members of the Westminster  political media teams and 24 hour British and international news media will devote hour upon hour to covering the election campaign with British media television and  radio media required to be fair  and balanced, something not required by British newsprint or the majority of international broadcasters.


 


 On one hand individual national politicians want to stop individual members of the public from criticising  or exposing their short comings on social media platforms while their national parties  and   supporting wealthy funders and friendly organisations  use technical trickery to influence, misrepresent and mislead.


 


I want to begin with the best of what Parliament can do. as the leaders of all the political parties  worked together with state paid public officials to consider and pass within a matter of hours, legislation to provide  immediate and long financial redress,  and  support for the victims of child abuse in Northern Ireland, following the completion of an inquiry which commenced in 2014, publishing its reporting 2016 at a cost  of less than £20 million and covered the period 1922 when the British island was divided between the free state of Eire and the  six counties of the north, until 1995.  Since then political parties  and officialdom  has attempted to find a way to implement the recommendations of the Inquiry despite the devolved Parliament ceasing to function, in part  because the Democratic Unionist Party had negotiated a deal with Prime Minister Teresa May to sustain her minority government in power following the 2017 general election with a public official  agreement, additional money and secret undertakings.


 


 


The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland (Julian Smith) made the first of several memorable speeches in the presence of representatives of the survivor groups, including family members of those who have since died and where the initial financial redress of £10000 followed consideration of additional payments and support will be assessed by the new Victims’ Commission and Board.


He said, “ Ibeg to move, That the Bill be now read a Second time.


It has been seven years since the Northern Ireland Executive established an independent inquiry into historical institutional abuse in Northern Ireland. Today’s legislation is based on an inquiry and report, undertaken by Sir Anthony Hart, that occupied 223 days of hearings. The Hart report investigated 22 institutions, but it identified a further 65 institutions that came within its terms of reference. The draft legislation was subject to a 16-week consultation process in Northern Ireland.



Nigel Dodds (Belfast North) (DUP) intervened  Right across this House, and right across Northern Ireland, there will be a very warm welcome for the Government bringing forward this legislation to get it on the statute book before Dissolution. I thank everybody involved in this House, the Secretary of State and, most importantly, the campaigners for the day we have now reached.”


 


Julian Smith continued “I thank the right hon. Gentleman for all that he and his party have done to help to deliver this Bill.


 


Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP) also intervened, “The House is clearly united on seeing justice and doing right by those who have been abused and who have waiting too long for recognition and a form of restitution. I thank the Government for prioritising this Bill and for getting it through before Dissolution. I particularly want to mention some of those with whom I have worked closely: Gerry McCann and others from the Rosetta Trust; Margaret McGuckin, who is in the Gallery and who has been working on this since 2008; and Anne Hunter, who is also in the Gallery and whose sister, Sadie, died at Nazareth House in 1974. Although we celebrate the Bill, it is bittersweet for those who were abused, physically and otherwise, and who cannot be here today to see the conclusion of something for which we have worked very hard.”


 


Julian Smith continued “ The work done behind the scenes by my right hon. Friend the Member for Belfast North (Nigel Dodds), my party’s leader in Westminster, and by my right hon. Friend the Member for Lagan Valley (Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson), our Chief Whip, and others to cajole and get this over the line. It is a fitting tribute to the Secretary of State, on this last day of Parliament, that the Bill will come into law. On behalf of the victims, their groups and people like Marty, Margaret and Gerry who contact us regularly, I thank the Secretary of State.




I thank the hon. Gentleman for his kind remarks. He was at his most tenacious over the weekend in trying to make this happen.

There are many more people to thank. Unfortunately, Sir Anthony Hart, who led the inquiry, passed away earlier this year, but through his widow, Lady Mary Hart, I thank him and his team for their tireless work. I thank the other inquiry members, the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland, the Northern Ireland civil service, Northern Ireland Office civil servants, the Executive Office, the leaders of the Northern Ireland political parties and my predecessors, my right hon. Friends the Members for Staffordshire Moorlands (Karen Bradley) and for Old Bexley and Sidcup (James Brokenshire). They have all played an important part in getting to today.



Kate Hoey (Vauxhall) (Lab)  one of the members of the House not standing as a candidate in the General Election also intervened  Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that sometimes in this House there is a feeling that Northern Ireland gets neglected or is a sideshow, but this measure today shows that the Government and Opposition knew that this was a hugely crucial issue to the people of Northern Ireland and that getting it to the House today and through this procedure is a mark of this House’s responsibility and care for Northern Ireland?



The Minister continued, “The hon. Lady is right on that. I hope that if we can get this through this afternoon, we will be able to toast success for not only the Bill and the victims, but Northern Ireland itself.



This legislation will provide the necessary legal framework to deliver two of the key recommendations from the historical institutional abuse report. The first is a historical institutional abuse redress board, to administer a publicly funded compensation scheme for victims in Northern Ireland. This will be a multidisciplinary panel of one judicial member and two health and social care professionals. There are estimated to be more than 5,000 people who could apply for redress. No matter what country they live in, I urge all victims and survivors to apply: whether you are part of a victims group or whether you have lived with their abuse silently for years, please make use of this redress scheme in this Bill.



Gavin Robinson (Belfast East) (DUP) said “  The Secretary of State is right to indicate just how important that progress is today. In outlining the steps that victims will take—those from my constituency in Kincora boys’ home, and others from right across Northern Ireland and beyond—and in asking them to apply without delay, will he give us some sense of the timescales associated with the process? When we get Royal Assent for this legislation, how quickly will the panel be established and be in place not only to receive but to consider those applications for redress?

The Minister said he was going to mention this issue. “The second part of this Bill creates a statutory commissioner for survivors of institutional childhood abuse for Northern Ireland, who will act as an advocate for victims and survivors and support them in applying to the redress board. Whether in fighting for support services or in ensuring that payments are made as quickly and as fully as possible, the commissioner will play a key role in delivering for victims.

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Jim Shannon  intervened again, “ It is important not only that we have the commissioner in place, but that the moneys available for compensation will range from £10,000 to £80,000. I wish to make the point about the De La Salle Brothers and what happened in my constituency at Rubane House, outside Kircubbin, where institutional abuse, both physical and sexual, against some young boys took place over a period. Those young people are adults now but they are traumatised. How will the trauma, and the physical and emotional effect it has upon them, be taken into consideration whenever they apply to the commissioner for help?



The Minister continued “I hope that one of the commissioner’s focuses will to be look at the services to support those who come forward. That will require money and organisation, but it will be a key part of the role for whoever takes on the position of commissioner.



I have just been asked about this, so let me say that one of the key concerns of parliamentarians and victims’ groups alike is the swift payment for victims and survivors after the passing of this legislation. Victims have already waited too long for redress, and as we have heard, many have died doing so. Our thoughts are with their families. Clause 14 contains provisions that allow the redress board to pay an initial acknowledgement payment of £10,000 to eligible victims before the full determination ​of the total compensation is payable. Clause 7 allows the redress board to take a flexible case-management approach to claims to ensure that those who are elderly or in severe ill health are considered as a priority. Those in greatest need of redress will get their payment more quickly. Clause 6 allows claims to be made on behalf of a deceased person by their spouse or children.



Other key aspects of the Bill that are important to victims and survivors include provisions that allow the redress board to convene oral hearings, but in a way that should not create an unnecessary delay for those cases in which oral evidence is not required; the ability of the redress board to determine the rate of compensation based on a number of factors, including the duration of stay in an institution; and the ability of the commissioner for survivors of institutional child abuse for Northern Ireland to make representations to any person, including to the redress board. I also wish to confirm to the House that my Department is working closely with the Northern Ireland civil service and David Sterling to ensure that there is adequate resource and capacity for this redress scheme, so that it can get going as urgently as possible.



Paul Girvan (South Antrim) (DUP)  said, “I am pleased to hear about the possibility of streamlining this process. Is there any indication that any of these payments will be made within this current financial year, irrespective of the bureaucracy of the hearings that have to take place? I am talking about the interim payment of the £10,000.



The Minister responded, “We have begun a project management team between the Northern Ireland Office and the Northern Ireland civil service. I know that David Sterling and the Executive Office have spent time this week looking at how things can be accelerated, but I wish both to acknowledge the need to move quickly and to recognise the fact that this will take a bit of time. We need to get this legislation through, and then we need to get on with how we can press forward with this.



I want to pay tribute to the victims groups that I have engaged with over these past few months and that have engaged with my predecessors and other political leaders: Survivors North West, Survivors Together, the Rosetta Trust, and SAVIA—Survivors and Victims of Institutional Abuse. They have campaigned on behalf of the people they represent with strength and dignity. Many victims are old and ill. They have not only had their childhood and lives blighted, but they have had to wait, year after year, for the child abuse and what happened to them to be recognised.

At each meeting with the victims’ groups at Stormont House, I noticed that Jon McCourt from Survivors North West had a small battered copy of the Hart report laid on the table in front of him. There was huge hope and trust in that copy of the report that there might finally be acknowledgement for what he and his friends had had done to them as children. Jon has held that copy of the report close, gripping it tightly for three long years, meeting politician after politician, civil servant after civil servant—anyone who could make a difference in getting redress. The battered cover of Jon’s report, once blue, has now faded. That report contains the grimmest details of the twisted blows laid on the hope and innocence of the children taken into care in Northern Ireland at different times over much of the 20th century. ​It details how the Kincora hostel in Belfast was completely captured by three child abusers for the same number of decades, leaving them free to anally rape and masturbate at will those boys they were meant to protect.



The report details the impact of the child migrant scheme to Australia. Witness HIA 324 describes his experiences in his statement, as follows:

“My life in institutions has had a profound impact on me. I have always wondered what it would be like to have had a family—a mother and father and brothers and sisters. I never got the chance to find out because I was sent to Australia. We were exported to Australia like little baby convicts. It is hard to understand why they did it… I still cannot get over the fact that I was taken away from a family I never got the chance to know. I was treated like an object, taken from one place to another… I have a nightmare every night of my life. I relive my past and am happy when daylight comes.



HIA 324 was born in 1938 and was 75 when he spoke those words to the inquiries team in Perth in 2013, but he died before he could sign his statement.



The Hart report highlights how the congregations that supported the four Sisters of Nazareth homes were well aware of the physical and emotional abuse happening in those homes, but did nothing to stop it. The report details how the Sisters of Nazareth would regularly conceal or ignore the presence of the sisters or brothers of those children in their care, hiding them from them. The report details the assault of girls in Nazareth House, with one case in which a girl had her head banged against white tiles for not washing properly. She recalled that there was blood all over the white tiles, and she suffered hearing problems afterwards.



The report details how the Norbertine Order, and then diocese after diocese, failed to stop Father Smyth, a known abuser, from travelling the length and breadth of Northern Ireland and Ireland, abusing hundreds of children. The report confirmed that at Rubane House, boys were sexually abused throughout the four decades that the home operated. It was not just sexual abuse; page after page of the report details the bullying, the use of Jeyes fluid and the confidence attacks on menstruating girls and on young children who wet their beds. The report outlines failure after failure by statutory authorities and the Government to ask the right questions, to show basic levels of care, or to follow up on the condition of those children sent thousands of miles away to Australia.



The Bill, which we hope to pass today, cannot undo the acts perpetrated on the victims, and it does not extend to the other areas of the UK that are currently being addressed by the child abuse inquiry here in London and a similar inquiry in Scotland, but it will show to Northern Ireland victims that action has been taken, and I hope that in a short time similar action can be taken, through legislation, for the rest of the UK.



I started off by thanking the number of colleagues who have helped to get this Bill delivered today, those who have worked on the Hart report and those who have worked to support this legislation, but this is not our Bill; it is the Bill of the victims and survivors, and of their representatives, some of whom are present today. For anyone involved at whatever stage, it has been a humbling experience to work with Northern Ireland victims and survivors who suffered child abuse while in care. The resilience and humanity of the victims should drive us all in our daily responsibility to every child, whether through our families, our work, our responsibilities or our communities.​



Victims were let down not just by the perpetrators and institutions, but by the Churches, councils and Governments who were meant to look after them—standing by, ignoring, not checking, turning a blind eye. People knew at the time. The De La Salle Order set down guidelines for the physical layout of its buildings to ensure that behaviour could be observed at all times—for example, on how windows should be placed in doors to ensure clear sight of what was going on in rooms:



“The Brother Director shall be careful that the parlour doors have glazed panels without curtains in such a manner that the interior may be easily seen.”



The ultimate legacy of the Northern Ireland victims and all child abuse victims, from the Hart report and from the Bill, must be for us all to ensure that we do everything within our power to protect children.



“When I was a child, I spoke as a child, I understood as a child, I thought as a child; but when I became a man, I put away childish things.”



Child abuse victims never had their full childhood and were then held hostage by the experiences that they had throughout their lives. I hope that the Bill goes some way towards providing Northern Ireland victims with redress, and for other victims throughout our country, I hope that their time for redress will come very soon. I commend the Bill to the House.



For the Opposition front bench, Stephen Pound (Ealing North) (Lab) responded another Member of the House of Commons not  standing as a candidate in the General Election,  and a man and Parliamentarian admired, in part because of my Ealing Borough connection where he served as a Councillor, his background  leaving school and then becoming a mature student resigning his Ministerial job over opposition to the Trident  system for extermination civilian populations.



He said “I have to say that this is not an easy day to be in the House—it is not an easy time to hear the Secretary of State’s words—and I pay wholehearted tribute to him for quite simply one of the most powerful speeches I have ever heard in my 22 years on these Benches. He spoke from the heart and he spoke from a deep humanity. We have to pay tribute to him for those words, which were extraordinary and remarkable. Please God, may they provide a grain of comfort to some people who have suffered for so long.



It is also appropriate that we mention Sir Anthony Hart, who did an extraordinary amount of work. We must pay credit to him. I also pay credit to the Secretary of State’s predecessor, the right hon. Member for Staffordshire Moorlands (Karen Bradley), who is present. She dedicated a huge amount of energy to this issue, as did her team and the Secretary of State’s team. I also pay credit to the Northern Ireland Office and the Northern Ireland civil service for the amount of work that has been done. How painful and agonising it must have been for them to have had to work in these circumstances. For me, to read the words is almost unimaginable, yet those to whom they refer are suffering a hundred times more than any of us could ever be.



As the Secretary of State said, the First Minister and Deputy First Minister agreed the terms of reference back on 31 May 2012; however, the inquiry goes back nearly 100 years, to 1922. Who can even begin to imagine the cavalcade of agony that has passed in those 100 years? Who can imagine those children whose bodies were broken, but whose hearts and spirits were also broken—who suffered in a way that, please God, we will never, ever have to contemplate again? When the Secretary of State quoted from St Paul’s letter to the Corinthians, it made me think about what the victims thought as children. What did those children think of the adult world—the place of safety that they were being ​taken to? What did those children think? As adults, did they have any trust, faith or belief in the base humanity, having faced that?



Today, we are undertaking a unique piece of legislation. There has never been a Bill like this on the Floor of the House—it has never happened in this way before. It is absolutely right and appropriate that we take extraordinary, unusual steps, because this is such an extraordinary occasion. We must place on record, here and now, our determination that this will never, ever happen again. Every one of us, be we lay, be religious, be we politicians—whomsoever we be, anyone of us who has any contact with children’s services must make absolutely sure and swear in our heart of hearts that we will never, ever walk by on the other side of the road. We should never, ever be those people who turned a blind eye, as we heard in the agonising statement from the priest that was read out earlier.



We cannot make it right—we cannot repair those broken hearts and broken bodies—but by doing what we will today, by offering some form of redress, some form of compensation, we will hopefully allow closure. We will hopefully be able to say that this House has heard. The right hon. Member for Lagan Valley (Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson) spoke magnificently earlier about the way the House has risen. When we think of some of the activities that take place in this House, today’s statement shows in sharp relief some of the things that happen here that are less noble—that are often ignoble. Today, the House has risen to a higher standard. It is entirely appropriate that is on this occasion that we have risen.

There are many questions still to be asked. This is still a draining emotional occasion. We should pay tribute, once and for all, to the right hon. Secretary of State for the footwork he has shown. It is unheard of for legislation to come through in this way. As recently as last week, we heard that the Whips Office would not allow it and it was not going to happen, yet somehow, with the involvement of the Government, the Opposition, officials, civil servants and even the palace, the Bill has come to the House and will go through.



Let us thank Brendan McAllister, the interim advocate, for the work that he has done. Let us follow up on some of the interventions that have been made already by right hon. and hon. Members representing Northern Ireland parties, and let us take the opportunity to say that this is one of the rare occasions when the House comes together, regardless of our party and of any form of religious, political or social affiliation. We are as one in this House in swearing that this cannot happen again, this must not happen again and the victims must get redress, must get compensation, must get respect and, please God, must get closure on this.



The behaviour of politicians of all parties and of all communities in Northern Ireland has been exemplary. I know how difficult it is. I have met victims groups, as has the Secretary of State. To sit in a room opposite someone describing the most appalling nightmare—a nightmare that is hard for any human being to envisage—is an experience that none of us came into politics to undergo, yet it is right that we came into politics to resolve this horror and this agony. I cannot say too much about how impressed I was by the victims groups ​that I met. Their courage and bravery is astounding. I hope—I know—that all Members in this House feel the same way and say with one voice how much respect we have for them.



I hope that some of the technical questions that were asked earlier by right hon. and hon. Members from Northern Ireland can be addressed. The question of the speed of the recompense payments is, of course, an issue to be resolved. It would be marvellous if some indication could be given to the victims before Christmas—it would be wonderful if they at least had some idea about what was happening. In addition, we would like to know when the staff will be in place for the redress board. It is important to say that we have to establish the bureaucracy, if it has not already been established.



I noticed that no additional resources were allocated in the recent Budget. Does that mean that they will actually come within the next financial year? Following the question from the hon. Member for South Antrim (Paul Girvan), will they come from this year’s budget, or will there be some additional funding mechanism? Those are technical questions. In some ways, they are almost otiose in the context of what we have heard today. Technical questions, compensation and redress are important, but the single most important thing that we in this House do today is to pay credit and tribute to the victims, to their families and to their relatives, and to say that politics in the past may have let them down, but today, politics and this House will not let them down. We will respect them, we will cherish them and we will do everything—everything—we can to ensure that they finally receive the redress that they so deserve.



Madam Deputy Speaker (Dame Eleanor Laing) “Order. It is very sad that the hon. Member for Ealing North (Stephen Pound) is leaving the House after today. I think that everyone present will agree with me that his last speech in this Chamber will be remembered as one of his best.



Karen Bradley (Staffordshire Moorlands) (Con)May I say, Madam Deputy Speaker, what a privilege it is to have you in the Chair for this debate? I know that you have such humanity and that you will be touched by this debate and all that you have heard. I know, too, that you will be pleased that you were chairing this particular debate.



I also thank my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for his incredibly moving and powerful speech. I congratulate him on our being here today. I also join you, Madam Deputy Speaker, and everyone in this House in saying that the hon. Member for Ealing North (Stephen Pound) made one of his finest speeches. It is his last speech, which is a great shame to so many of us who know just how he has worked for his constituents, for the people of Northern Ireland as a shadow Minister, and also for this House, because he is a true parliamentarian and will be desperately missed.



We stand here today just before we go into an election. We are going into an election because politics is broken, yet here we can prove that it is not broken. Here, we can prove that we can come together and do something. We can deliver something that is right for people who have been through the most agonising, dreadful experiences— ​experiences that no person, and particularly no child, should ever suffer. We have a chance to make that right today. I trust and know that we will come together, that we will pass this Bill and that, by this evening, this Bill will have Royal Assent, and then we can get on with delivering redress for those victims. They need it, they deserve it, and it needs to happen as soon as possible.



One of the privileges of the job that I used to do, that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State does now, and that my right hon. Friend the Member for Old Bexley and Sidcup (James Brokenshire) and others have done, is to realise that, very often, we are in the presence of people who have suffered the most incredible, dreadful experiences. Northern Ireland is like no other part of the United Kingdom for having put people through experiences that no one should ever have to go through. I, as Secretary of State, spent time listening to people who had been through horrendous experiences in the troubles and who had been treated in a way that nobody should be treated, and listening to people who were victims of historical institutional abuse. As Secretary of State, or any Minister in the Northern Ireland Office, one cannot fail to be touched by that and to be determined to do everything possible to help those victims. I was absolutely determined that we should do that, and I am so proud that we have got here today, but it had to be done in a way that was sustainable and robust. Neither I nor my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State could just wave a magic wand and make it all right. We have to go through the proper processes, because we must make sure that this redress scheme and the measures that are put in place will be robust, will not be challenged and will be delivered—and delivered as quickly as possible for the victims.



That is why it was a matter of the most enormous regret that the Hart report was delivered at the point that the Executive collapsed. Had the Executive not collapsed, we would have had ministerial direction to know what Ministers thought of the recommendations. We would have had something to work with. In fact, had the Executive been there, they could have delivered interim payments without the need for primary legislation. They could have delivered so many of these things so much sooner, but they were unable to do so, which is why we had to go through a long consultation process that victims felt was delaying matters and making them worse. It was not doing so; it was there to give a robust legal framework so that we could deliver this scheme.



I want to pay tribute, as my right hon. Friend did, to the six parties. Earlier this year, when we were starting on a talks process, we got all the parties from Northern Ireland in one room and used that opportunity to get them to talk about this matter, so that we could have a united position from them. Although we may still not have an Executive, it will be those politicians and those parties that will have to administer this scheme as Ministers. Therefore, it was absolutely right that it was they who helped to draft this legislation. If that had not been done, and we had used the normal primary legislation route in this place, it would have taken far, far longer, which would have meant that victims had to wait longer

.

I have to say to the parties in Northern Ireland that this really needs to be a wake-up call. Yes, we are putting this Bill through here today—I know the hurdles that my right hon. Friend has had to go over and how he has had to jump over obstacles and everything else to get this Bill here today. I know full well what he has ​come up against, trying to get matters such as this through the collective responsibility of Government, but he should not have had to do that, because there are politicians in Northern Ireland who are elected to do this work. This needs to be the wake-up call. They should put their differences aside. I know that they want to go back into Government and do the right thing by the people of Northern Ireland. This is their opportunity. Please, I say to them, do the right thing for those people.



Finally, I just want to talk about the victims, many of whom I can see today. I know that we should not refer to those in the Gallery, but I will, because those victims are there. I had the honour and privilege of meeting them. I sat through meetings in which they told me about their experiences. There is nothing more humbling than listening to people telling you what they have been through—especially when it is something that they should never have had to go through. This is a Bill for them. This is something that we are delivering in this broken Parliament for people for whom we should be standing up. I congratulate my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State on this Bill and I will wholeheartedly support it here today.



Emma Little Pengelly (Belfast South) (DUP)I am so very glad that we are here today and that we are getting to the final stage of this process. It has been a battle throughout, not least for the many victims and survivors of this terrible abuse. It has even been a battle just to get this legislation through the House today, and I pay tribute to everybody who has worked incredibly hard get us to this point. My colleagues and I, other parties, the victims and others across Northern Ireland have lobbied incredibly hard to get this legislation through, and I am really grateful and glad that we have been able to achieve that. At times we expressed frustration and anger that these provisions were potentially not going to go through the House, but the Secretary of State did his best and succeeded, and we see the evidence of that today. This Bill will go through the House in exceptional circumstances, with so many people across so many different elements of the system having worked to make this happen, and I am so very glad—not for us, but for the victims and survivors of this dreadful abuse.



I am glad that those who have suffered through this process will be able to see the genuine care and empathy of all Members who have spoken on the issue thus far. The Secretary of State made a wonderful speech that was very much from the heart, and we could see that. I hope that the victims and survivors get some comfort from the fact that many people care deeply about this issue. I also pay tribute to the shadow Minister, the hon. Member for Ealing North (Stephen Pound). Once again, he made a beautiful and poignant speech that was truly from the heart. That will be picked up, heard and listened to by the victims and survivors, and I hope that it gives them some comfort.”



Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)The victims are very grateful for and conscious of the Bill’s progress today, and we hope that it will proceed apace. In addition, though, some have said to me that they are appreciative of and grateful for the empathy, support, sympathy and solidarity with them from across the community, as well as the concrete steps being taken today. Does my hon. Friend agree?”



Emma Little Pengelly ,”I absolutely agree with all that my hon. Friend has said. I am so glad that this legislation for the victims and survivors of abuse is one of the last things that this House will have achieved in this Parliament. This is a Parliament that has been dominated by a small number of big issues, and we know very well what those are; I am not even going to say the word. Yet I know that Members from every single party right across this House and the elected representatives in Northern Ireland get into politics because they want to make change on these types of issues. They want to make changes on education, health and public services, and to address great wrongs and injustices. It is such a good thing that we are ending this Parliament on such an issue, and that the many hundreds and thousands of people who suffered appalling abuse, as the Secretary of State outlined, will finally get the last piece of this process: redress. But redress will not be closure. It will never undo the dreadful wrongs that happened to all those children in those settings.



Karen Bradley also intervened, “The hon. Lady was instrumental in setting up the inquiry from the beginning. Let me make a point to her that always struck me when I was in the Home Office dealing with these matters for England and Wales, which is that to call this historical abuse is absolutely wrong. It is not historical; it is current and present. It is with the victims every single day.”


 Emma Little Pengelly, continued, “Absolutely. I was involved in this process right from the start, seven years ago. I pay tribute to the right hon. Peter Robinson and the late Martin McGuinness, because I was present at the meeting when the victims and survivors came in and told us of the terrible, terrible experiences they went through, and both those men were genuinely moved. Who could not be moved by hearing those personal experiences and the terrible wrongs? But both of those men were very moved, and they worked together, and tasked me and some others to go away and try to drive this work forward. Throughout those seven years, civil servants at all levels, the late Judge Hart and all those who gave support and help were really motivated to get through the process and to do so swiftly, because they had heard the terrible things that had happened and had seen the injustice that they wanted to address.



I have to say that I am angry that it has taken this long to get to this point of redress. The inquiry was unusual in that the timeframe was put down in legislation. The late Judge Hart made it absolutely clear that, yes, he would request the extension that he was allowed by the legislation, but he would also meet the timeframes set out, so we always knew when the inquiry was going to report, because he made that clear. I and others made representations to those who pulled down the Assembly, asking them not to do so in order to allow the report to come forward, and I am genuinely angry that it happened. I am angry that we have had to wait for those years for the victims and survivors to get the redress they deserve and that we knew was coming.

But today is not a day about recriminations. In fact, this has been a good example of how the political parties can work together and the difference that they can make—not, perhaps, on the bigger issues that will always be challenging, but on these types of significant issues that are so meaningful to people’s lives.​



I pay tribute to all the victims and survivors, who have been on this journey right from the start, including Margaret, Kate, Gerry and Jon McCourt, all of whom have been mentioned in this debate. They have done incredible work because they have represented not just themselves, but the many thousands of victims across Northern Ireland—in fact, across the world—who perhaps could not step forward. They were brave enough to do so no matter how difficult it was, and it must have been incredibly difficult for them to tell their own stories again and again and again to try to get the inquiry and the justice they deserved.



I have been involved in this process for seven years, so it is really good to see it come to an end today, but the victims and survivors have been involved for decades and decades before that. As I have said in the House many times, many of these children came from very challenging and difficult circumstances, and what they needed was love, protection and support. But when we read the report and listen to their experiences, we know that what they got was cruelty, depravity and harshness. That is appalling. Right from that very first meeting with Martin McGuinness and Peter Robinson, those who were in the room were absolutely struck that the right thing to do was to try to get justice for the victims. There is very broad consensus on that in every political party and right across this House.



I pay tribute to all the victims and survivors. This is not the end of their journey. They will continue with all the pain and suffering—the legacy of what happened to them. I hope that this redress and financial support—and what it symbolises—will be of some comfort, as well as a recognition of their hard and incredible work to stand up and address the terrible, terrible wrong that was done to them and many thousands of other children.



Sir Peter Bottomley (Worthing West) (Con) It would be a good idea for others to look at the last two pages of the historical institutional abuse inquiry report, which is available at hiainquiry.org. In those pages, Sir Anthony Hart—to whom tributes have properly been paid—set out the six points that he thought were the most important. It is now two years after he had hoped that the compensation payments would be made. Let us also remember the survivors who were over the age of 18 —people who he was not able to look at. I think there is unfinished business in this part of our kingdom. We have to remember that there will be further reports on the rest of the United Kingdom to come in time.



Ian Paisley (North Antrim) (DUP). When the Secretary of State made his poignant remarks to the House today, he quoted from Corinthians on the views and perspective of a child—what children see. The beginning of that chapter says that faith is so powerful that it can move mountains, but without charity, compassion and love, it is nothing. This House today, through the actions of this Government that have been brought here, has demonstrated that through compassion it has been able to move bureaucratic mountains. It has been able to move those things that stood in the way, and it is not as nothing; today this House is something. It has done something incredibly powerful and incredibly important for victims across Northern Ireland, those here on the ​mainland, and, indeed, those who are located across the world as a result of the abuse that took place in these locations in Northern Ireland.



It is important that the Secretary of State is able to set out, and this legislation sets out, the schedule of when moneys will be paid, because that is a practical issue. It is also important that we make sure that help is given to the victims’ groups going forward from now on, because they have been brought to the top of the mountain. Today is, if I can use the word appropriately, an exciting day in that they have now achieved this, but there will then be the cliff edge of what happens next. Those victims’ groups will have to be wrapped in compassion, charity, help and assistance so that they can then move to the next phase of this, because it is not going to end very quickly. There will probably now be a process put in place, and it is important that practical help is given to take the groups through that to make sure that they can get the other end of this as quickly and expeditiously as possible. I hope that we will see that. I hope that we mark this very poignant and historic day with an appropriate mark of respect and an appropriate celebration that this House is not as nothing; it has achieved something today.


 The Minister, Julian Smith concluded, “With the leave of the House, Madam Deputy Speaker, I just want to come back on a few points that I was asked about. Before I do, may I thank my ministerial colleagues in the Northern Ireland Office? No Secretary of State could ask for better colleagues than the two on either side of me at the Dispatch Box today, who have also played an incredible part in trying to move this Bill forward.

The hon. Member for Ealing North (Stephen Pound) raised the issue of the financing of the scheme and the timetable. As I mentioned in my opening remarks, officials in the Executive Office are already working on the implementation programme. They aim to make shadow board appointments to work on policies, procedures and standards so that the board can start considering claims as soon as practicable after it is officially launched. Officials in the Executive Office are also working hard to ensure that the consideration of claims can begin as soon as practicable after the Bill becomes law, and exploring the possibility of opening up applications in advance of the establishment of the board. Obviously, we will all want to do whatever we can. In particular, the Government will do whatever we can to make sure that we play our part in moving things forward as quickly as possible



The funding for the scheme comes from the block grant, but clearly we will be making sure that we do everything we can to support the Executive Office.



Gavin Robinson mentioned that  the Secretary of State is injecting a bit of positivity and we hope that this will progress quickly. On 6 December, he is mandated to lay reports under the Northern Ireland (Executive Formation and Exercise of Functions) Act 2018. Given that we are going to have to do that process anyhow, could a line on progress updates and the processes that follow be inserted in the Bill?



The Minister said, “I will do whatever I can, within the constraints of the purdah period, to update right hon. and hon. Members and the public.​



My right hon. Friend the Member for Staffordshire Moorlands (Karen Bradley) referred to the fact that this legislation is the most robust basis for the redress scheme and the commissioner. That is worth reiterating. It would not be on as sound a footing if we had not got what we hoped to get today, so she is absolutely right. She is also right to point to the fact that hopefully after the election we can get the Executive and the Assembly going, because that is the best place to do all NI legislation.

The hon. Member for Belfast South (Emma Little Pengelly) was very clear about how productive the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Executive had been around the time of the Hart report, and on other issues. That period gives us all hope that we will get back to a position where we will restore the Executive and the Assembly.



My hon. Friend the Member for Worthing West (Sir Peter Bottomley) made an extremely valid point. It is something I was worrying about last night as I re-read parts of the report. There are many, many people of different ages—people who may not have been in care but may have been abused in other settings—who will no doubt be the subject of reports going forward

I thank all colleagues for all their kind remarks, and again pay tribute to the victims’ groups who are sitting here today. They may have missed their current flights, but we have arranged for them to be able to go later. I hope we will all be able to celebrate with them shortly.



Question put and agreed to.

Bill accordingly read a Second time.

Motion made and Question put forthwith (Standing Order No. 63(2), That the Bill be committed to a Committee of the whole House.—(Maggie Throup.) Bill considered in Committee.



The House of Commons then moved into Committee with Dame Rosie Winterton in the Chair



She asked if the Causes and schedules of legislation were agreed and these were agreed without or vote



The Deputy Speaker resumed the Chair.

Bill reported, without amendment.

Third Reading

 Th Minister “I beg to move, That the Bill be now read the Third time.

That was, I think, one of the shortest Committee stages in this Parliament’s history. Having been Government Chief Whip, I only wish that another policy area of this Government could have been covered so quickly.



As has been said during the course of this debate, in powerful speeches from Members across the House, this is a day for victims—the victims from Northern Ireland who are in the Public Gallery today, the victims from Northern Ireland who are sitting at home, and all victims of child abuse who are yet to have redress and a full acknowledgment of what they went through. I am extremely grateful to the House for all the support and for all the civil service support, and I think this is a very fitting way to finish this Parliament.​


 The Shadow Secretary off State for Northern Ireland Tony Lloyd (Rochdale) (Lab)  Let me join the Secretary of State in applauding the fact that the House has seen fit to move the Bill so swiftly through the House today. I want to place on record our thanks to my colleague Lord Hain and Lord Duncan, the Minister involved, because they were instrumental in ensuring that this House had the opportunity to move things forward.



I want to say to those with us today who are victims, representing many other victims, that this Bill would have been necessary had there only been one victim of this kind of abuse. We know that many thousands suffered—thousands more than will come under the ambit of the scheme, because many of them have already died, and we cannot offer anything by way of recognition or compensation to those people. But today we are saying to those who are with us that we recognise what took place, and it is a matter of real and profound shame to every one of us in this country. It is also a matter of anger, and we should use that anger to ensure that we are determined to do everything we can to insist that this cannot be the pattern for the future. We know that sexual abuse will take place in Northern Ireland and in the whole of the United Kingdom. This should impel us to do everything we can to protect our young people and those who are victims, because we have to learn the lessons of the past.

That is the triumph for those who have been through this campaign. They have campaigned for themselves and those they represent, but they have also campaigned on a much wider basis—they have campaigned for decency and justice for people across this land of ours. The real emotion that was rightly expressed by the Secretary of State, by my hon. Friend the Member for Ealing North (Stephen Pound) and by others is not just about empathy. It is because we profoundly believe in the need to ensure that there is justice for those who have campaigned and those they campaigned for and, in the end, to set a different moral tone around this issue for the future. This is a good Bill, and I thank all our colleagues for making it possible to pass it today.

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Madam Deputy Speaker (Dame Rosie Winterton) “The Secretary of State referred to the fact that the Bill went through Committee very quickly; I do not think I have ever chaired such a quick Committee. That indicates the unity in the House around this Bill, and I know that if it were not for the special circumstances we are in, many more Members would have wanted to be here to show their support.



Question agreed to.

Bill accordingly read the Third time and passed.



BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE

Ordered,

That, at this day’s sitting, the Speaker shall not adjourn the House until he has reported the Royal Assent to any Act agreed upon by both Houses.—(Maggie Throup.)



The Bill was immediately sent to the House of Lords for its consideration where it was agreed without debate and then the in the Commons the Deputy Speaker advised that the Bill had been given the Royal Assent and had become law.

Sunday, 3 November 2019

Reflections on Brexit and the unsolved murder of Ann Haldane on a visit to London by train


At the age of eighty, travelling has become a challenge, but a return first class train day journey from Newcastle to London was booked in the fourth week of October to mark finding that the murder of a former friend, Ann Haldane, stabbed to death in a Soho Street on Tuesday October 22nd 1963 has remained unsolved despite an estimated seventy people surrounding her body as she died, and a dozen of these, according to the Inquest papers held at the London Metropolitan Archives, being able to give a description of the killer and the direction in which he walked away. 


As the day of the visit approached, Thursday October 24th,  I considered visiting the House of Commons for what was to have been an historic day when the legislation required before entering into a treaty with 27 other European sovereign nations to leave the European political and economic community of 28 nations would receive its third reading before consideration in the House of Lords over the weekend, a one hour report stage before being given its Royal assent in time for the British to have signed the Treaty before 1st of November. In the event the time table for considering the legislation was rejected and my visit to the crime scene was brief because of heavy rain. I went to an impressive Disney film again, in 3D, had a  half pint of lager at the Parcel’s Yard at Kings Cross Station before watching the proceedings in House of Commons  in the first class lounge at the station and after an enjoyable meal on the homeward journey witnessed a potentially serious physical confrontation between two men and their partners on Metro train journey back to South Shields finding later that  was but one of several recent acts of violence on this part of the Tyneside and Wearside Metro train system according to reports in the Shields Gazette and the Newcastle Evening Chronicle. 


Although I enjoyed many aspects of the journey and visit, I was left with the feeling of failure and inadequacy which has affected much of my life over the past three decades. The impotence of being unable to influence events for the better.


Since writing these words the people in the British Home nations know that the most important general election since that in 1945 will take place on December 12th  and I need to finish or interrupt a number of activities so that I can devote the greater part of each day to help the Labour Party which I first joined in Wallington in 1960 to form the next government and where my friend Ann Haldane had joined the separate young socialists before me. 


On Saturday October 19th , four days before my journey, the House of Commons voted by 322-306 to delay further consideration of the proposed legislation to implement the proposed Leave Treaty and new political declaration. The significant development then, and still, is that  the  Democratic Unionist Party supported the delay because of betrayal of the commitment given by Boris Johnson to their annual conference that he would not support either the existing proposed back stop insurance requirement, or a border along the Irish sea between Northern Ireland and the three mainland home nations. This commitment together with the promise to leave the community before November 1st had been a factor in being elected Prime Minister by the Tory Party membership as the other candidate, former Health and Foreign Secretary, Jeremy Hunt, had been honest in admitting that given the composition of the House of Commons getting agreement which would satisfy the Commons before the latest  date agreed with the Community could not be guaranteed.


The usual procedure after such a vote has taken place is for the Leaders of the political parties to use a Point of Order to explain their position in the light of the decision. In this instance the Prime Minister remained defiant and determined, which did not surprise, but the action of the Leader of the House of Commons, the cultured, erudite and eccentric  Jacob Rees-Mogg, used the same procedure to announce the abandonment of business planned for Monday, which he had  announced on Thursday there would be further debates on the government programme, and instead there would another attempt the end the Parliament with a General Election on December 12th.  In terms of the procedures of the Commons the Speaker resisted ruling the move disorderly as notice if the intention to change the programme had not been given.


The motion to delay giving approval in principle to the proposed Withdrawal agreement until the legislation had published, considered and passed, meant that the Prime Minister was required to seek a third extension  writing  a letter which had been set out under legislation which the House of Commons had successfully passed as  a private member backbench Act, and which the Prime Minister and leading members of the Cabinet describe as the Surrender Act.  His response reinforced the view of a juvenile mentality and unfitness for a public office, let alone that of Prime Minister. He sent the letter without his signature accompanied by a formal letter of explanation, and a third explaining his continuing opposition to delay and wish to Leave  before November 1st.

Moreover, it quickly emerged that there would be a future programme motion would ensure that the legislation passed in the Commons by Thursday, then to the House of Lords, sitting  over the weekend if necessary  with an hour to consider any Lords’ amendments  on Monday followed by seeking Royal Assent.


On Sunday, October 20th, Sir Kier Starmer, the Labour Party’s brilliant architect of its policy, strategy and tactics towards exiting the European, confirmed on the Andrew Marr Show,  the continuing consistent approach the Party has taken since agreed at its annual conference, and detailed the flaws in the proposed Treaty and withdrawal legislation. Although Leaving  with transitional arrangement which ruled out no deal appeared proposed, if  the future trade agreement with the Community is not agreed by June 2020, the government could then choose to leave without a deal, and the majority in the Commons subsequently rejected the oral  assurance that the Commons would be consulted before such a move was taken. The government were also pretending that there would be no  administrative border between Northern Ireland and the three homeland other nations, and the proposed simple majority required in the  future devolved Parliament changed the terms if the Good Friday agreement which effectively required both Unionist and Nationalist Parties to agree before any changes to legislation are agreed. This paved the way for the administrative border to become indefinite and a referendum for an all-Ireland Government likely as it does for a new referendum for full independence in Scotland which voted significantly in favour of remain and the Tory Government promised  that remaining part of Britain meant membership of the European Community was also confirmed.

For me, the most important point which Sir Keir made and one which I had not previously been sure he fully appreciated, is that the intention of Nigel Farage and the Brexit Party, as it is of the United Kingdom Independence Party, other right wing Parties and movements, the core membership of European Research Group of the Tory Party, those engaged in Global Finance and business, to pursue low corporate taxation, limited or no trade union and general worker’s rights similar to that in the United States of North America, admirably exposed  by Simon Reeve in his present series of travels highlighting the level of homelessness in Los Angeles, the use of slave illegal migrant labour in the Californian valley, and polices which  help to put into question the future of the earth planet. This political difference is  more important than if we are part of  the political structure of the European Community. 


In 1962, I represented Ruskin College on a committee of the Oxford University Labour Party formed to oppose British entry into the Common Market  because it was evidently working to promote an uncontrolled and unplanned market economy for the already richest countries on the continent. The committee was short lived because General De Gaulle, President of France said Non. 


At the same time my study of history suggested that a united states of all Europe with a  European defence organisation was a long term necessity if military conflict within Europe was to be avoided. The need to avoid the kind of death and destruction Europe has experienced for centuries leading to the first and second would wars within three decades of the first half of the twentieth century has affected all of us with direct experience.


Having said this, the reason why I accept it is necessary that we leave the present political union,  hopefully for only a matter years  rather than decades, at the same time as developing and strengthening all other relationships, it because the British electorate was told without any ifs or buts, changes in political or economic circumstances,  the referendum decision would be respected and implemented.  Failure to leave the political aspects of the community, severely undermines British democracy  and fuels right wing extremism,  and the scapegoating of races, and any deviating from was is politically determined as the acceptable norm.


In the mid 1980’s after attending an international senior management course, it was evident from the factual information provided that the move towards a globalized economy and global trading alliances would accelerate and that the European  economic structure would need to be strengthened if we were to retain income and expenditure standards as  the trading economies in other parts of the world also strengthened.  I circulated  a paper on the issue, including to Michael Heseltine the Member for Henley on Thames where the management college I located, which  impressed him sufficiently to write a personal letter  saying he was circulating widely  in Whitehall.  I received a letter of interest from the Human Resources Director at the Department of Defence, which given my background I still find amusing.


The solution to the economic and political aspects of our future relationship with Europe is that worked out by Sir Keith and the Labour Party at his annual conference two years ago and which continues to be the position with the commitment to hold a confirmation referendum to leave the political union but not the economic union, together with the option to formally ask to Remain.


The successful alliance between the Labour Party, the Scottish National Party, the Liberal Democrats, the Greens, together with members of other parties and those who have  become independents to prevent  leaving without a transitional period and an agreed in advance basis for future trading and other relationships, was always destined to break down, once the immediate threat of no deal was removed and this has been so.  It was also evident that the failure to Leave on March 31st would impact on the European elections and on any General election held before leaving with or without a deal. However, I did not fear an early general election as long as there was no pact between the Tory, Brexit and UKIP parties to concentrate on winning Labour Party and Lib Dem held or likely to be won seats.


The Scottish Nationalist Party know that the resignation of Tory Leader in Scotland Ruth Davison coupled with a rogue politically creative maniac of a Prime Minister and his political guru Dominic Cummings, should result in the departure of every Scottish Tory Party Member and that in the event of  a minority Labour Government Jeremy Corbyn would not stand in the way of a second independence reference although it is in Labour’s interest for Scotland to remain in the Union, and for Labour to  gain seats from the Nationalists as well as the Conservatives. Labour needs to gain House of Commons seats in Scotland to establish and overall majority and a Labour Government remaining part of the Customs Unions Union should be able  to offer a new devolution deal which  could encourage the Scottish nationalists delaying  putting the issue to a new independence referendum. As with the DUP money talks and binds.


It is also evident that the inexperienced new leader of the Liberal Democrats is an opportunist who still hopes to build on the summer success of appealing to the undemocratic Remainers, especially once it was evident that majority of the Remainers, and anti-Corbyn and John McDonnell  members of the Parliamentary Labour Party were not  going to attempt to form a centrist new party.  Once 19 members of the Parliamentary Labour Party voted for the second reading of the Withdrawal Bill, the Liberal Dems and Scottish Nationalists had no choice but to go for a general election and once this was signalled, it forced Boris to stop bluffing, accept no deal and gamble that Nigel Farage would hesitate before contesting every Tory seat.


Contrary to the majority of political commentators the outline of the general election result can be predicted as long as there is no secret deal between Johnson and Farage to limit the damage in England and Wales. In Scotland perhaps one or two conservatives will survive because of local factors and personalities but the more likely none will,  and the issue is whether Labour can gain some of these as well as retaining those presently held. In Wales the position is likely to remain as it is now overall. In Northern Ireland the position of Unionists will be strengthened depending on the present demographics with Catholic Nationalists. The Liberal democrats will gain seats from the Tories in the South West and may also do so in London. The Tories will not gain seats in the North but could gain a few seats in the Midlands. 


My present predication is therefore no Party will be in overall control, but Labour will hold the largest number of seats sufficient to form a minority government, and be given the time by the European Community to negotiate the terms of a new treaty and for time to put this in a referendum with the option to remain by the revocation if Article 50. The outcome of such a referendum cannot be predicted. 


It is also possible that in these circumstances a Minority Labour Government could continue to function and implement the less controversial aspects of its manifesto.


One factor will be to get the Northern Ireland Assembly up and running and offer the Executive, the Parliaments in Scotland and Wales more powers and more money.


Alongside I believe the priority should be to transfer back to the local  councils the funds required to develop  the social  and community health care,  education and housing programmes together with  the youth service, and community policing. Only if the election result is an overall majority  should the emphasis be on bringing  Rail, Water and the Post Office into a new form  of public and employee ownership unless agreement can be reached with Libs Dems and other centrist groupings in the Commons.


However,  Corbyn  will grow personally in stature until the Tories are able and willing to replace Boris if he has not immediately surrendered  after losing the election. The decision to revoke article 50 will lead to a new right wing party being created from the Tory, Brexit and UKIP memberships and could see the end of the present Tory Party.


The unpredictable aspect is the actual door step and campaigning power of the Labour Party’s membership, the extent to which  the limitations of Boris and the inexperience of Ms Swinson are exposed and the honesty, openness and integrity of Jeremy Corbyn can withstand and overcome the  unscrupulous behind the scenes  interventions  led by the Russian, Chinese, USA and Israeli  political leaders who all fear a real democratic  socialist party gaining political power in one of the top economically powerful countries.


Despite the rain, it was important to revisit the Dean Street in Soho and the place were Ann Haldane was murdered in October 1963, having decided to suspend writing about what is know to have happened while I continue to digest the new information  arising from meetings held on the afternoon and evening of Friday September 13th,  the decision to advise a contact  in London’s Metropolitan police appointed to review the  available documentation and deciding if to change the focus of the autobiographical work and possible refer the latest information to those with resources to assess whether the new information changes the perspective that I had developed.


The visit also provided the opportunity to experience the new carriages of Azuma trains, what were to have been the flagships of Virgin  before the failure of its  service from London to the North East and Scotland. The first difference was the absence of reserved seat tickets tucked into the back of each seat, replaced by digital indicators which only  indicate the current position of the seat and not the  sequence of occupants.  I was allocated an aisle forward seat at a table  of four with someone about to sit immediately facing me deciding to find  someone else with the outcome that I was left  on my own for the whole journey.


The other new feature is a TV screen at each end of the carriage which provides updated information on stations, times and connections, plus news headlines and offers. On the way back we were given minute by minute changes to the amount of delay which reached 16 minutes before Darlington  and was around 13 minutes on arrival.


There is also a new “Let’s dine” first class menu booklet choosing the full LNER breakfast with Yorkshire sausage and Yorkshire bacon, baked beans, a flat mushroom, hash brown and fried egg. I had to wait sometime as priority was given to the bacon rolls. Fortunately, a round of brown toast with marge and marmalade arrived quickly  and I enjoyed  two more rounds later and three coffees. 


I had already seen the Disney film mistitled Maleficent, Mistress of Evil as a Superscreen, surround sound, production at the Cineworld in Newcastle and as no film other film appealed, the opportunity was taken to see the film again in 3D which continues to impress as the film medium of first choice, although if I could cope, 4DX is better. I have recently experienced 270 degree screen vision for the second time, with Gemini Man, concluding that the sensory overland was not enjoyable and distracted. There was only one other individual for 1 pm showing so and the film the 3D production did not disappoint with a good balance between the sense of depth with appropriate out of screen moments. I was struck by the similarities of the cavernous world of the winged creatures able to transform their appearance  and the hidden world in the  last “How to Train Your Dragon” film. The other thought was if  the impact of today’s cinematic digital technology still caused the same wonder as the transformation of Kansas into the world of Oz which the 1939 film had on me.

I arrived back at the Kings Cross St Pancras combined underground train system making by way to one end of St Pancras station unintentionally and passing the entrance to the high speed trains into Europe noted  about thirty police in attendance some with powerful automatic weapons and wondered is this was usual  or because of some new threat intelligence. No one appeared spooked by the number and people were eating out and also listening to two pianists playing  at different ends of the station ground level. I did some shopping in Boots and looked around Marks and Spencer debating to buy some food, not having eaten since mid-morning, I changed my mind and on crossing over to Kings Cross decided I would enjoy a lager beer, making my way to the Parcel’s Yard where I  had to drink the half  in a corridor seat before a table became available. 


I cannot visit the Parcel’s yard without reflecting on the visit made on January 2nd 2014, and meeting two members of the group where the senior politician involved, Tom Watson, deputy Leader of the Labour party  is under fire because he, the police and others were taken in by someone who made serious allegation against prominent politicians past and present and which led to one of the major police operation involved  in the investigation and reinvestigation of past allegations of child abuse.  From third party information, some well-informed, I have never doubted that some politicians were directly involved, but went on record in writing to the House of Commons Home Affairs Committee,  those organising the People’s Tribunal and whoever care to listen that some of the men making allegations should be treated with caution and that the emphasis on national politicians could deflect from investigating and understanding, the scale, the causes and the lifelong effects of the abuse. On January 2nd, 2014, I spent four  hours with both individuals and a further two hours with one, before over the next 48 hours working out what to do next and  halting my ongoing work of the Artman 101 Installation. It was another two years before deciding to undertake the research required for an autobiography, nd wondering if the murder of Ann Haldane had been brought to justice.


Moving to the First class lounge class lounge, I made do with coffees, a treacle muffin, a banana and tried three small packets of different corn snacks  at same time as trying to hear what was being said in the House of Commons as Government’s legislation and policy programme was formally agreed.


On the train, a couple were already seated at the table facing me in the allocated seat, but I found a vacant two seat table mid carriage. As the train was about to depart a man who I recognised as a Conservative Party junior Minister considered taking the vacant seat, looked me over, and then decided to see what else was available so the opportunity for an interesting exchange of views was missed. Rishi Sunak, the Member of Parliament for Richmond has been chief secretary at the Treasury since July. He took over the seat from William Hague, was head boy at Winchester, obtained a degree in Philosophy Politics Economics at Lincoln College, Oxford, became a Fulbright scholar at Stanford in US of North America, and went into Hedge fund management before politics. This Sunday he appeared on the Andrew Marr show on behalf of the Tory alternative to the Farage version of  hard Brexit, who also appeared with John McDonnell.


I enjoyed the summer chicken casserole, having a pre-prandial whisky with ginger on the rocks, followed by another post prandial and a diet Pepsi after York. I had another treacle muffin noting the advertised creamy vanilla filling and a packet of crisps with the first of the drinks. 


It was just before eleven when the train ended its journey at Newcastle, and I spotted that one of train crew had left their blazer which did not belong to any of team departing the carriage before me. I was therefore pleased with myself on going to the platform via the lift as the  escalator was stopped and was relaxed until Jarrow  when two couples entering the  carriage started to get into an aggressive confrontation both men squaring up. One couple departed at Tyne Dock where the driver came out of his cab  to observe the remaining male hammering hard at the door in frustration. This couple then departed at Chichester. At South Shields the driver confirmed he had reported the incident which I assumed had also been filmed on the carriage camera. I made my way out of the  brilliant new Metro and bus station noting that the all night coach to London had already departed remembering the occasion when with my eldest daughter we joined at the Washington Service area the overnight coach from Newcastle to London and made our way to Wembley Stadium to attend the British part of Live Aid. At the age of eighty there is a tendency to see the present through the lens of the past and debate the decisions and choices made and review the experiences enjoyed and those not.

Tuesday, 15 October 2019

Waiting for Brexit playing Microsoft Solitaire

On Tuesday afternoon, October 15th  2019 I achieved the 100 successful completion of 390 World Events played on Microsoft Solitaire Game Collection. There were only five games instead of the usual 20 or 30 and only two levels of difficulty,  Easy and Medium, none at Hard or Expert. I have only finished twice in the top ten of the allocated group of 100 other players worldwide, with an average 450000 participating and 24 occasions finishing in the top 25 because I spread play throughout the 34 hours of the event. In this instance taking 9 mins and 36 seconds compered to the present leader at 3 mins 53 and the 82nd at over 36 minutes.

In  2016 I commenced to play the first of over 1000 Daily Challenges  which cover the four levels of difficulty and the five types of Solitaire games Classic Solitaire Klondike where I have become a Grandmaster of the second level winning 97% of the 662 games  played, as I have at Spider, winning 98% of 627; with first level Grandmaster achieved  in Pyramid 82% of 268 games and a Tri Peak with 76% of 347 games. My favourite game  is Free Cell where Grandmaster level 5 has been attained with 98% of the 926 games played won.

In 43 of the months of play all four bronze, silver, gold and diamond badges were attained, the exception the first three months until I worked out how to play the games of greater difficulty. Because of the time usually required to  complete an expert level game in only nine instances has the Perfect level been attained in a month, completing all 150 or 155 games in the month, and four of these this year to-date.

When I commenced to play Solitaire games, as a break from computer chess, the focus was on the Star Club unlocking 93 packs in five collections of  a total of 954 have been completed, 83% of the total available, earning 1749 stars and 70 crowns.

Monday, 7 October 2019

Britain's future depends on Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister


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Laura Pidcock,  Chris Peace, Chi Onwurah, Lauren Dingsdale, supported by Nick Brown, Ian Lavery and Jeremey Corbyn at  Newcastle City Hall, Saturday October 5th, 2019


For four years, I have warned that the wealth and power of national and international, financial and other business interests, combined with the latest 1984 micro surveillance and communications control technology, would do whatever was considered necessary to further a British “American Dream” using the criminal, the personally ambitious, the racists and the misogynists to further their cause. For the past three years I also warned that divisions within the Labour party over Brexit, international and defence policy and between neo liberal and socialist economics, would prevent Jeremey Corbyn becoming Prime Minister of a socialist leaning government. 


As I told members of Jeremy’s campaign team in 2015, although I agreed with everything proposed in his prospectus to be leader, I was not going to vote for him for two reasons. The most important was that it was time for a power shift from men to women in general and for the Labour Party in particular. I also feared that that Jeremy’s Parliamentary and Public record of consistent international peace making, opposition to all forms of racism, support for anyone the subject of injustice and unwillingness to compromise political principles would divide the Party, given that the majority of those elected to House of Commons or awarded seats in the  House of Lords accepted international capitalism, the structure and approach of the British ruling institutions and had become out of touch with the response of the native white working class to the open borders of  the enlarged European Community. 


The only thing which surprised me about the result of the 2016 referendum was that the majority to leave was not greater, given the impact of the planned austerity, the extent to which Nigel Farage played the race card and Tory Party leavers promoted the kind of retrospective nationalism which combined with racism had brought Hitler to power over most of Europe.


As I have also continued to remind of what became evident when attending in the mid 1980’s, a four week international senior general management course at Henley, the hatred of those working at director level in both public companies and former nationalized utilities of public services with principles and standards; the wisdom of moving headquarters to countries with stable governments and low corporation taxation rates and moving production units to countries with stable governments and little or no trade unionism to keep wages low; the need for world wide relationships with competitors to minimise the power of individual governments; a contempt for politicians who could be bought; and the importance of strengthening the European trading mechanism in the context of the development of the other international trading blocks and the emergence of China as a world dominating economic power.  I spent six months digesting the components of the course, ending with an overview  paper, sending a copy to Michael Heseltine, the Member of Parliament for Henley on Thames and a lifelong European. To my surprise  he not only replied but said he was distributing copies throughout Whitehall just before he resigned from Office. I received one follow up response from the Human Resources Director at the Ministry of Defence in relation to the historically proven reality that political, financial, business, social projects will all fail in their stated objectives unless you are able to recruit those who share, are committed, and trained to achieve the objectives.


Teresa May, who had shown strength of character and courage during her tenure as Home Secretary, took the right  decision to call a General Election in 2017, knowing that she had little prospect of getting a balanced deal with Europe over leaving the European Community without being able to combat those who formed the European Research Group within the House of Commons and reducing the evident opposition from the Labour and Liberal democrat parties for Remain, Ending the threat posed by Jeremy Corbyn was only one factor. She evidently underestimated, as Tony Blair and others have since admitted, the personal ability of Jeremy  to communicate with people, based on his proven record  and coupled with the growing awareness among well educated, thoughtful, responsible and caring people of all ages and backgrounds, that change was needed and that the re-emergence of the kind and level of politics which brought Donald Trump to power in the United States of North America had to resisted.


It is clearly evident that Mrs May failure has brought the British people to a moment in our history where the choice is between Government by those of the dark or by those of  the light. It is as simple as that.


It would be wrong to be carried away by the fact that 2000 people in the North East accepted the invitation to listen to Jeremey Corbyn at Newcastle’s Civic Hall on Saturday, learning of the meeting on the Monday and of the venue on Friday and arrived in their hundreds over an hour before scheduled time and then queued for upwards of hour along opposite directions of Northumberland Street just to make the point we know difference between an honest man and a self-interest unscrupulous liar. 


The odds, it has to be admitted are still stacked against us, and putting off the General Election is essential until we leave the EEC with no deal at the end of October, the present most likely outcome, or achieve a delay which should see the Tory Party old order rid  themselves of Boris, and where I can  still see Mrs May, Jeremey Hunt, Phil Hammond back in temporary charge.


The two aspects of the meeting on Saturday which gives me hope, was the repeated applause when the platform speakers echoed Jo Cox, there is more that unites than divides, and we will not let the passionately held differences about Brexit derail the issues to be decided at the next General Election, and secondly the strength and quality of the next generation of Labour women ministers.


The first speaker was the Laura Pidcock, first elected as the Member of Parliament for North West Durham in 1997 and appointed Shadow Minister of State for Business, Energy and Industrial strategy in January of last year whose prepared speech was delivered in a manner which matched the mood of the audience as well as saying what we wanted to hear, following on from the electric, passionate and empathetic mood throughout the Brighton conference.


The response of those sitting immediately around me was one of WOW, this is someone who will be at the forefront of the Party in the future.  Back home I discovered that Laura comes from a political family and that as a child she attended demonstrations against Thatcher and apartheid, obtained a degree in politics at Manchester University and in 2012 completed a master’s degree in Disaster Management and Sustainable Development. 


I have spoken with Chris Peace, Labour’s candidate to win the marginal seat of North East Derbyshire before and who at present is the Cabinet Member for Health and Care on Sheffield City Council . We had  a chat at the entrance to Big Meeting as she handed  out leaflets and pressing for support for an independent inquiry into Orgreave, which Jeremey announced from the platform later that day and Diane Abbot will announce on her first day in office as Home Secretary. Chris is a qualified teacher who then qualified as a criminal lawyer.


It was also good to hear again Nick Brown, who spoke at a Momentum members meeting in Newcastle several years ago. He has been chief whip for Tony Blair, Gordon Brown and  for Jeremy since 2016 and since then has organised parliamentary defeats against Cameron and May before  achieving defeats for every vote  Boris has attempted since  the Tory party chose him to destroy the One Nation party. Nick, a southerner like me, by birth, also went to Manchester University, moving to Tyneside in 1978 when appointed legal adviser to the GMB and elected a Newcastle City councillor in 1980,  before his election as Newcastle East M.P. after the sitting member defected to the SDP. His role in keeping the Parliamentary Party together should not be underestimated.


Ian Lavery, the Wansbeck Northumberland MP  who  is one of the proud sons of Ashington along with the footballing Millburns and Charltons  and cricketing Harmisons and Mark Wood among many others. He has been Chairman of the Labour Party since 2017 and is one of two National Campaign Coordinators, a role for which he is well fitted. He is very much traditional North East Labour of the kind who made my life as a chief officer for 18 years difficult although I never forgot that such individuals reflected the reality of the life of the men in their communities.


After the interval, the tone of the meeting changed, because of two of Labour’s highly intelligent future female Ministers. The Member of Parliament  for Newcastle central, Chi Onwurah, is not a natural soap box campaigner but is one of several Labour Shadow women Ministers with interesting backgrounds. Her Newcastle born mother married an educated Nigerian who successfully studied to become a dentist at the Newcastle University Medical school back in the 1950’s when racism in the North East  and other industrial northern towns was strong.  Born  in Wallsend, then in Northumberland, and now North Tyneside, she went with her parents to Nigeria in 1965, a few months after her birth, returning with her mother two years later when the Biafran War commenced, her father joining the Biafran Army. In 1987 she graduated from Imperial College London with a degree in Electrical Engineering, I believe one of the few qualified engineers in the House of Commons, working on both hardware and software development and with work experience in the United States, Demark, France and Nigeria while also studying for a master’s in business studies at the Manchester Business School.


Chi is one of Tyne and Wearside Members Parliament, also rooted in the traditional trade union and Labour movements of the North East, a firm supporter of Remain, supporting Andy Burnham and the Owen Smith in the two leadership campaigns and this was recognised by the initial response of the audience to her contribution compared to those speaking before her. My impression is that people did listen to the wisdom of what she said, underlining that despite strongly held differences in approach  and on individual  issues  we had to come together to achieve a Labour Government.  


I knew nothing of the speaker, Lauren Dingsdale, chosen to introduce Jeremey, the Labour candidate for Conservative held seat of Middlesbrough and South East Cleveland, whose diminutive youthful appearance masks a powerful intelligent political brain which saw her gain more than twice the votes at selection than a local woman councillor. Lauren also trained as a lawyer after graduating from Oxford with a degree in Philosophy, Politics and with help from throughout the region should quickly become a member of the extended government team.


Risking the commentators curse, ever since Boris was elected the Tory Party Leader and assumed the office of Prime Minister, Jeremy in both manner and what he has said, looks a man who knows he will be the next Prime Minister because of the hundreds of thousands of individual members of the Labour Party who will do what is required to ensure that he is. This explains the willingness of the Scottish Nationalist Party to work with him but not the Liberal Democrats, who  fear as much as the Tories, that once in position  as temporary Prime Minister to prevent a No Deal Brexit, the myth created as  Bogey man will be ended and the Lib Dem hopes of spearheading a new centre right party will also end. 


The message  given by the 2000 who queued around  Newcastle Civic Hall for an hour or more on Saturday is that come the General Election 2000 will become 200000 thousand and counting.

Thursday, 5 September 2019

The next move of of the Prime Minister and his advisors

It is reported that the Prime Minister is visiting the British Head of State this weekend. Has he been summoned to explain himself or more liking will he ask  for the prorogation to be extended  to November 1st if General election is not  agreed for October 15th?

Brexit, an informed forecast of what will happen next


    

As BBC and Sky news channels debate this morning what will happen next, the Robert Peston, ITV programme of 4th September 2019 contained interviews with Boris Johnson, John McDonnell and Ian Blackford and important commentaries on what they said by Dominic Grieve and Jess Phillips after the House of Commons refused to accept the General Election date of October 15th and passed the Bill seeking a further extension to avoid No deal.

A number of statements were made in the programme which coupled with what was said and observed during Prime Minister’s Question Time, what transpired to be the autumn election spending statement, consideration of the Stop No deal Bill and General Election Debate 12 a.m. to 10 p.m, which I believe makes clear the latest position and what will happen between now and Monday or even later, if the government holds off Prorogation 


All future measures presented Parliament by the Johnson government will be opposed and defeated, including the proposed Queens Speech, with the exception of an amendable legislative measure to abolish the Fixed Parliament Act which the government is likely to introduce if it is known the Commons will agree that the date of the General Election can be fixed without alteration after the October 17th meeting of the EEC ministers and who in turn will have agreed an extension to enable this to happen, and in which instances the opposition parties (with the exception of the DUP) will campaign for any agreement, revocation, new agreement, and possibly no deal to be put to the people in a second referendum.


It is evident that all the Party leaders (and this may include the D.U.P) together with an increasing number of Conservatives in addition to the those effectively expelled, have concluded, or reinforced their view, that Mr Johnson is unfit to be Prime Minister and have agreed to do what is required to be rid of him. Part of the agreed plan is to also expose the role and behaviour of Dominic Cummings who has now been named by the opposition and several lading conservatives as the agent of Johnson’s plan.


This was brought out clearly with media interviews and speeches made in the Commons by the majority of those expelled with a number of powerful and emotional contributions by those have decided not to stand in the general election and those who will stand as independent conservatives, independents or for other parties. 


Last night Ken Clark in the General Election debate called Boris dishonest, saying one thing and doing another and all the other leaders said he was untrustworthy. The Speaker allowed one backbencher to remind the House that Johnson had been twice shown to be a liar and Jeremy Corbyn said in effect he was two faced, unscrupulous and lacking integrity. Jeremy has not once attacked back during he years of verbal assaults on his record and intentions, I thought something had fundamentally changed when Tony Blair advised Corbyn and the other Opposition parties not to agree the General Election and opened the door to campaigning for Labour in the General Election



 The Speaker told him Johnson abruptly and then politely to sit down, and also to use acceptable Parliamentary language and behaviour, and when Ken Clark drew attention that the Chancellor of the Exchequer was out of order when commencing his Party political election spending statement, the Speaker said he had accepted  the statement would take longer (45 mins) but told the Chancellor twice to stick to the terms of reference of the statement.

Secondly, the Opposition Parties and leading Tories not in the Government, understand that if Johnson is not stopped now, this will only be the start of his approach to stay in power insisting on complete obedience of all the members of his government, backbenchers and advisers and like Trump getting rid of anyone who opposes or appears disloyal.


Thirdly, he is already turning the Tory Party, not just into the Brexit Party to defeat Farage, but an ideological free market, low tax, and low welfare party despite the appearance of ending austerity in order to win his first General Election. It appears, unconfirmed, that the Chancellor’s proposed speech was rejected and one re written for him hence the marching out of No 10 but an armed policer man of one of the Chancellor’s official advisers.


All the Opposition political Parties with the exception of the DUP although there may informal communication between anti Boris Tories and individual member of the D.U.P have agreed that the only way to politically get rid of Boris is to defeat him a general election once the No deal legislation becomes law with the Royal assent. They have agreed that the general election should not take place until after the October 17th Meeting of E.E.C leaders who they are confident will agree to extend article 50 to avoid a no deal Brexit. They accept this will involve the government seeking legislation to set aside the Fixed Term Parliament Act, but in a way which will be amendable so that the date can be determined by the House of Commons following agreement between all the Party Leaders. They appear confident the EEC will agree to the extension and which may be extended further to cover for the proposed second referendum.

I am confident that all the Opposition parties have agreed that they will campaign in the general election to hold a second referendum with a commitment to implement whatever is decided and this includes the Tory “rebels”. 


The next bit is speculation on my part but there may even be agreement between the Parties for election pacts because of the likely Remain vote split between the Lib Dems and Labour. It has been agreed that if the Labour Party is the biggest party in a situation where they do not have an overall majority (possible even if they do have a majority, they will accept a request to hold a second Scottish Referendum although the Party will campaign for the Union.

It was also evident that Jo Swinson has been on a Leader’s training course and was impressive at PMQ’s and the General Election debate.


Several of the Tory rebels made it clear they oppose and want to stop a Jeremy Corbyn and  McDonnell government, but the SNP and Lib Dems had stopped attacking Jeremy Corbyn, and Jo Swinson has clarified than in saying Ken Clark and Harriet Harman should lead an interim government this was said on the basis the Jeremy would not as things stood be able to form a minority government but this many have changed after Tony Blair endorsed the changed position and all the Labour rebels except John Mann and Kate Hoey voted for the stop no deal Bill.